“The dream of integration and racial equity conceived in the 1960s civil rights era has morphed into a terrible chimera creature in the lab of social, psychological and political madmen.”
orningside, Maryland 1974. It’s 7:00 p.m. and I am shaking and my stomach is tighter than a tick on a dog. It’s been hours since I was attacked in the girls locker room at Benjamin Foulois Junior High School, but I have to go back again tomorrow, so I just shake.
At 12 years old, my sense of personal safety has fled like a fugitive. It is the first time in my life that it dawns on me that no one can protect me. Not my parents, not my teachers, no one. The memories are jumbled together like loose-leaf notes out of order.
I am punched and knocked down from behind. Fists fly. One is mine. There is one girl, then two. Maybe more? It’s a blur. I didn’t see any of it coming. No words had been exchanged. No provocation. I’m just white, and I’m the new girl.
A chorus of blood thirsty black girls are surrounding me. I am losing the fight until the biggest girl grabs my hair from behind. There are shouts of “take her down” and “get her.” I snap and my adrenaline kicks into high gear. I beat the crap out of her, I really do. A gym teacher follows the noise to the fight. Everyone disburses. The bigger black girl later taunts me from across the cafeteria with the promise of more violence. She will find me in the hall, the bathroom, somewhere. But I have to go back tomorrow.
My locker room experience followed shortly on the heels of the April 20, 1971 Supreme Court decision that ruled that schools could employ busing to end racial segregation. If you didn’t live adjacent to an inner city like me, busing most likely didn’t affect you. But Morningside, Maryland sits just outside of Washington, D.C. On a Saturday morning when traffic is light, you can leave Morningside and arrive at the White House in 30 minutes. And cities such as Chicago, Detroit, Philadelphia and Washington, D.C. were at the epicenter of one of the biggest social experiments of our times.
Busing was in full swing in 1974 when I was attacked, and what was happening in the halls of my school was being played out in thousands of schools across the nation. After countless community fights, school auditoriums filled with angry parents, accusations of white flight and scathing editorials in the Washington Post, the social justice warriors of the time won the legal right to force people of different races to go to school with one another—all in the name of desegregation and diversity.
As the 1970s unfolded, Saul Alinsky, the father of the first wave social justice warriors, told his acolytes who were seeking to overthrow “the man,” during the turbulent 1960s that they would need to infiltrate the system from the inside if they were to effect change.
He instructed them to take the flowers out of their hair, shave and get university degrees. And they listened. With freshly minted diplomas, these reformed hippies were now anxious to foist their social agendas on a populace that hadn’t asked for their idealism and often didn’t want it.
Black and white children within a few miles of any U.S. city suddenly found themselves being boarded onto buses to attend schools miles away from their homes, and it was like arriving in alien territory for those of us who experienced it.
These educated, almost exclusively white upper-class graduates were the founders of the civil rights movement, and it was their generation who would be the first Americans to hold a utopian social dream of racial integration. They believed that if blacks could just have the advantage of attending white schools and living in white neighborhoods, it would propel them out of the ghetto and into the board room.
And it was these first wave social justice warriors who were first to find victory in using the courts to force their progressive ideas of equality on an entire nation through busing. America would become a racially integrated nation and they were going to be the reason. It was a heady time, indeed, for the left.
But there was a much darker side to the desegregation movement. Young Democratic and educated activists such as Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama, were part of a group of educated elites who didn’t actually believe that they could eradicate racial inequity or alleviate the suffering of the poor. Rather, they believed deeply in a socially progressive political party that used manufactured conflict from within to overthrow the current system of government. In fact, they were using racial inequality as cover to control the disaffected in order to enact Marxist social policies.
This Marxist agenda was led by people such as Saul Alinsky and Bill Ayers. Clinton was an admirer of Alinsky and wrote her university thesis around his work. President Obama, who was said to be well acquainted with Ayers and his violent Weather Underground group, worked tirelessly to continue Alinsky’s community organizing legacy on the streets of Chicago while employing Ayers often subversive and illegal tactics to get what he wanted. Alinsky, the undisputed founding father of U.S. community activism from inside the system, believed deeply in creating a socialist state. And today, his acolyte Barack Obama continues the doctrines set out in Alinsky’s book, Rules for Radicals, through his many and varied community activist groups.
Flash forward 44 years to 2018, and the social meddling continues unabated, as does racial violence via front group Antifa (among others) and in our nation’s classrooms, just ask the most recent 14-year-old white Stuart, Florida middle school student who was brutally beaten by a 13-year-old black girl in January. Eight classmates watched the assault go down without interfering, some even recording it. Not surprisingly, the victim told her mother she is afraid to go back to school. Also not surprising, WPTV West Palm Beach never once mentioned race as a factor in the attack. I feel her pain.
When a U.S. Supreme Court opinion suggested it may not be constitutionally sound for schools and districts to integrate solely based on students’ race or ethnicity, rather than admit the policy of forced diversity is a failure, social justice warriors found another line of attack. Today, progressive policy makers are gerrymandering neighborhoods by reassigning students based on parents’ incomes.
But after decades of forced desegregation via busing and rigged district lines, it takes a belief in unicorns and fairies to believe that putting angry black preteens into a mostly white school will even the playing field for these students, particularly when the data shows that the black community has problems that the government, or well-intentioned white people, cannot fix.
Not content to force desegregation through the manipulation of school districts, the battleground for racial diversity today has shifted to higher and more allusive forms of perceived racism. Today’s generation of the Alpha class is graduating from universities awash in microaggressions, white privilege and safe spaces. Today’s elites are studying under socialist professors that stretch or erase history and gender, seek to snuff out free speech by performing language acrobatics, denounce white people and western civiliazation and find racism under every rock.
Political commentator and cultural observer David Brooks says in his book Bobos in Paradise, “You cannot be a mellow radical or an angry moderate. There is little audience for such creatures. But find a specialty.” And the left has found its new specialty in language as violence, white “privilege” and voluntary black separatism.
By rocketing absurd accusations of racism into culture, politics, institutions and entertainment, these second wave social justice warriors have not only found their specialty, they have unwittingly become the new racist. And these new racist have been given social permission by tenured professors, the media and Hollywood to denounce every disagreement with their ideology and methods, no matter how absurd, by labeling those who oppose them as racist. But thinly and badly disguised racism is still racism.
These new student racists are demanding all black graduations and all black campus days, such as the infamous students at Evergreen State College who, in May 2017, held white professors hostage for daring to show up to school when they demanded a day without whites on campus. Decades of forced desegregation did not make these students color blind or promote racial harmony. Rather, today’s students see color everywhere.
The new racists are not content with marches and protests, but call for the mass killing of white people on Facebook and Twitter and, like a pack of ravenous wild dogs, threaten the physical safety of whites they don’t like. They foment social doxing campaigns calling for the firing of whites they disagree with in academia and business. They are the new race-baiters, skillfully cooking up hate and serving it to academic and media institutions as the main entrée.
It could be said that these new racist are doing much more than stirring troubled water, they are directly responsible for creating the white backlash that manifested this past year in Charlottesville, Virginia when an Alt-Right group that protested the removal of the statute of Robert E. Lee ended in a homicide. Ayers, were he alive today, would be beside himself with glee.
And hate played out at the end of a gun and aimed at the women and men in blue are like crack to progressives such as Obama and Clinton. The Dallas gunman who shot and killed five police officers and injured seven others supported armed black militia groups, including the New Black Panther Party for Self-Defense, the Nation of Islam and the Black Riders Liberation Party. Before Johnson was killed by a bomb detonated by a police robot, he told negotiators he wanted to kill white police officers.
Young whites who have grown tired of the pablum of racist fare fed them from the time they enter primary school are beginning to fight back against the propaganda of Moveon.org, Black Lives Matter and other black separatist or militant groups funded through Obama-backed U.S. Justice programs that are run by proxy organizations organized and funded by George Soros.
The results are disastrous. According to New York Times columnist Bari Weiss, “Charges of cultural appropriation are being hurled at every corner of American life: the art museum, the restaurant, the movie theater, the fashion show, the novel and, especially, the college campus.” And the new racists are amassing an anthology of the absurd that I won’t bother to chronicle here.
In a CNN article on race, Drew Domalick, a Green Bay, Wisconsin resident was quoted as saying, “In America, you can’t even talk about whiteness. If you try to embrace being white, you are portrayed as being a racist. If we had a White History Month, that would be viewed as a racist holiday.
“Blacks can belong to clubs and organizations that cater specifically to their race, but there’s no National Association for the Advancement of White People because such a group would be deemed racist.”
A 19th century U.S. Supreme Court judge echoed this same sentiment as far back as 1883 when Justice Joseph Bradley wrote in a majority opinion that, “There must come a time when blacks cease to be the special favorite of the laws.’”
The left’s failed utopian dream of diversity has descended into the dark ideology of black separatism and white identity politics. Black students today see racism everywhere, effectively erasing any cultural gains that may have been achieved through diversity programs such as busing that began in the 1970s.
Relentless victimhood has reached gestation and, if anything, blacks today are more hostile than ever toward whites, white culture and white identity, in large part because of the Critical Theory dogma being taught in academia and pushed by Hollywood A-listers and the media. And all of this white monster-hunting is fueling race fatigue and backlash in whites. It can be seen in the falling box office movie openings, empty football stadiums, abysmal media ratings and Hollywood award shows. People are tuning out in record numbers.
The uneasy and imperfect racial harmony that had been achieved following the civil rights movement of the 1960s has been blown up by groups pushing racial equity and racial separatism. And this is unfortunate. Many of today’s groups calling for black separatism take their talking points from the original Black Panther Party, which carried out armed citizen patrols to monitor police behavior in California during the 1960s. But the Black Panthers were not a benign group of concerned citizens. The FBI defined them as, “A group whose goal is to create a black nation-state or empire with absolute control over specific geographic areas and sufficient economic and military power to defend it.”
The New Black Panther Party for Self-Defense is one of the major black separatist groups in the United States. And like many white socialist groups working inside our government and academia, they have vowed not to dissent from the government, but to overthrow it. The party advocates for a black nation, including the release of all black people in prison, an end to police brutality against black people and a call for all black people to arm themselves for self-defense.
The Southern Poverty Law Center and the Anti-Defamation League have labeled the New Black Panther Party a hate group because they encourage and condone violence against whites, Jews and law enforcement officers.
Just a week after Donald Trump was elected President, Louis Farrakhan, head of the Nation of Islam, said in a speech before the State of the Black World Conference in New Jersey, “The white man is going to push. He’s putting in place the very thing that will limit the freedom of others.” Then he pointed to the crowd, smiled and said, “That’s what you needed,” as motivation to finally separate from whites.
The glue that binds all of these black separatist movements is Critical Theory, the main philosophical dogma of white elites. Critical Theory is a neo-Marxist philosophy born out of the Frankfurt School, a group of theologists that banded together in 1930s Germany, and whose dogma is now taught in universities all across the United States. Frankfurt School theorists drew on the critical methods of Karl Marx and Sigmund Freud in their approach to sociology, and today their fingerprints can be found all over feminists and racial separatists movements.
Tamika Mallory, the co-founder for the feminist Women’s March was recently skewered on social media because of her ties to Farrakhan, when she attended a speech in Chicago on February 26 in honor of Saviours’ Day, a Nation of Islam holiday. Mallory was seen applauding Farrakhan after he denounced Jews, sparking the ire of Jewish women groups. The anti-semitism is no surprise when one considers that Linda Sarsour is the other incendiary co-founder of the Women’s March. As the the former executive director of the Arab American Association of New York, Sarsour is a particularly odious “feminist,” who has called for jihad.
Almost every academic institution in the United States is infected with Critical Theory. Courses on whiteness, post-colonial theory and orientalism in the arts and humanities, sociology, literature, communications and cultural and media studies roundly condemn white civilization and western cultures.
The dream of integration and racial equity conceived in the 1960s civil rights era has morphed into a terrible chimera creature in the lab of social, psychological and political madmen. When culture and politics insist on seeing everything through a racial lens, there is no space for organic harmony to germinate and grow.
For those progressives, both black and white, who are caught up in the religious movement of racial identity politics, there is only one place the road ends: the dead-end of Marxism where everyone’s free speech is stripped from them and we all become tools of the state for a purpose defined by the state. And that purpose will not be for racial diversity, but subjugation and oppression for all.
On a recent visit to Washington, D.C., my son and I took a road trip to my old hometown Morningside, and we drove by the family home and Benjamin D. Foulois Junior High School, now the Benjamin D. Foulois Creative & Performing Arts Academy, where I first experienced racial hatred at the tender age of 12.
Morningside sits on some of the best real estate in all of Prince George’s County. From my old home, you can walk down Suitland Road to the main gate of Andrews Air Force base, now Joint Base Andrews, where Air Force One is parked, touch the pillars of the overpass of I-495 and drive to the Suitland Metro station in less than five minutes. I’d give my left eye to once again live so close to the District, but by the run down appearance of the area, developers are not going to ever show it some love. It appears to still be in a high crime area.
Today, there are virtually no white people left in Morningside. During the 1980s and 1990s, Morningside became plagued with crime as street-hard blacks from Southeast Washington pushed out into the suburbs, triggering massive white flight. Bars appeared on the windows of the local liquor store and the 7-Eleven on Suitland Road was renovated with cage-like boxes for the cashiers, who now stood on elevated platforms behind bullet proof glass so local law enforcement could see if they were being robbed.
Today, none of the people I grew up with live in Morningside, or even in the county. Children, including myself, walked along crime-free sidewalks and venture to Patterson Park with no adult supervision. It was a safe neighborhood before progressives mucked it up with social engineering. But as my neighbors and peers grew up, married and had children, none of us wanted to send our children to the same racially dangerous schools we had attended. So like rams in the rocky mountains, we searched for higher ground in which to feed. But we can never go home. And it was all for nothing—because it’s the end of diversity. And that makes me angry. Reign well.